Wednesday, December 8, 2010

Strength in Numbers

This analysis has been written in response to Winston Churchill's speech, "The Sinews of Peace," better known as the "Iron Curtain Speech" and is regarded by many as his best speech.

Winston Churchill became a member of Parliament when he was aged only 26 years.  Born into a family of high esteem, Churchill knew privilege and was also unfortunately privy to estranged relations with his immediate family.  His father spent a bulk of his time on political matters and, “Winston could recall only two or three long and intimate conversations with him.  Lady Randolph (his mother), meanwhile, reveled in high society. ‘She shone for me like the Evening Star,’ Churchill wrote. ‘I loved her dearly—but at a distance.’”[i]
In a biography of Churchill, Sebastian Hastner, believes that Churchill was a restless man driven by two beliefs: that he was destined to do great things, and that he will die young, like his father.[ii]  The combination of the two caused a restleness to out move his ‘dwindling days,’ or so he believed, and according to commentators, he, “shuffled from foot to foot with impatience.”[iii]  Further, as he did not actively practice any sort of faith and so was highly superstitious, he held “himself in constant readiness for the unknown signal…. He was just as firmly convinced…that he would die young, and was consequently in a hurry to fulfil his unknown destniy.”[iv]
Churchill did not die young after all; however, he did become one of the most prolific figures of the 20th century.  His résumé includes esteemed positions such as a long-time member of Parliament, Home Secretary, Chancellor of the Exchequer and finally Prime Minister of the United Kingdom.  His life within England’s political arena span 55 years. 
The year was 1946 and Churchill just saw the end of WWII as well as the end of his political career as he was not reelected as Prime Minister.  Though Churchill was not reelected, this by no means silenced the mouth of the ‘lion’, and his roar was heard across the Atlantic. Churchill was invited to  lecture during the spring term at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri.[v]  In the presence of America’s greenhorn president, Truman, on March 5, Churchill warned the world of, “the dangers of Soviet expanisionism.”[vi]  Though up to this point Russia had been allied with Britian and America, growing communist influence took over the already damaged European landscape.  “Prevention is better than the cure,”Churchill feared that if action didn’t take place at the very onset to tear down the ‘iron curtain,’ than there were be yet another war, more terrible that the last.
Ultimately, Churchill’s concerns went unheeded and the peace and victory of WWII that the allies experiecned were short lived. And though Churchill spoke before a crowd of 40,000 people[vii], expounding upon what “sinews of peace,” would look like within the current status of the world, it was not enough to stop the Allies from entering into the Cold War against the Soviet Union a year later. One journalist writes about this tranistion from one war to the next, “no American or Russian president or general would call the outcome of the war in Europe a tragedy.  Churchill did.”[viii] 
Churchill performed this speech at Westminster College, the audience was a mixed crowd of scholars, citizens and American politicians.  His prescence caused a flooding of the small town of Fulton, which is used to population counts of 7,000.  And though he was, “accepting an honorary degree from the college, Churchill made one of his most famous post-war speeches.”[ix]  
“The Sinews of Peace” by Winston Churchill, or more commanly known as the “Iron Curtain” speech, primarily has a topical structure.  Congruently, Churchill uses spatial as well as problem—soultion in his organization.  It is simple to find the topical approach that he takes in the organization of the speech.  He first begins uplifiting America and appealing to the nationality of her citizens.  He refers to America and England as kindred nations.  In the second paragraph of his speech he says, “the Presdient has travelled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here today and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too.”  Not only does Churchill acknowledge the nations president, a wise political move considering Truman only recently took office, so it is safe to gaurantee that Truman’s approval rating remains high and that he retains the favor of the majority of the country.  At the same time, Churchill identifies with their nationality by paralleling the citizens of America with his own countrymen.
Very early on in this speech, it is clear that Churchill is trying to establish a ‘brotherhood’ or familial feel.  He begins looser, he gets laughter from the audience and he tries to identify with the American nation by more or less claiming, ‘we are the same.’ He further strengthens his persona as a brother by asking for public clarity, “I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself.  There is nothing here but what you see.”  At this point, he receives a round of applause and laughter from the audience, and it seems obvious that he was successful, at least in the beginning to forge a relationship between himself and the audience. 
He then uses a spatial pattern of organization by first using his quip in the beginning about the Westminster he graduated from and the Westminster College at which he is speaking.  Which by the way, furthers his metaphor of brotherhood. That the US and Britain are connected not only in beliefs, democracy and military status but in more frivoulous things like similarity in the names of institutions of higher learning.  He later requires the audience to tap into their surroundings, “When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually happening to millions now.”  With this phrase Churchill is planting the audience where they are but at the same time requiring them to reach across ocean, seas and foreign lands to imagine the need around the world.  Then in the second half of his speech, Churchill utters the famous lines, “from Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriactic, and iron curtain has descended across the continent.”  This is visual imagery, as audience members and readers are actually able to see an iron curtain being pulled across the continent, but it also requires us to geographically see Stettin and Trieste.  Churchill then finishes in the spatial pattern by mentioning different places in world that were touched by the red tools of Communism. 
The speech also uses a problem—solution pattern.  When Churchill asks’ the assembly to “visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks on earth.”  He requires everyone to imagine what it were to be like to live in a world where nothing were to change for the better.  A series of biblical allusions are used to build up the audience, presumably to build up hope, confidence and to plan the realization that action is necessary.  And not just any kind of action, but the action Churchill recommends.  He makes the transition directly from this exhortation to a solution, “if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars…I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end (he exhorts and builds up confidence in the idea of Britain and America joining).  I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action (he then gives his solution).” 
Churchill further asks the audience to visualize a difference, “what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries.”  He attempts to both salve the bleak reality that even he confeses to partaking in just a moments before, “I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.”
At first this sentence, seems like a blatant and obvious mistake for someone like Churchill who has studied rhetoric. To admit to lack of confidence towards peace and a lack of confidence that wars are over, when he later says, “I repulse that idea that a new war is inevitable,” seems faulty.  This section is chaotic and confusing; however, in closer examination it would seem that perhaps Churchill is not making a ‘mistake’ at all. Rather, he is attempting to make the situation as dire in the minds of Americans as it is in his own mind, in order to further entice them to action. 
The speech itself seems to be separated into two separate parts.  There is a very obvious change in tone that in the audio when he begins talking about the difficulties with Russia, “a shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory.”  His voices lowers as if a friend is whispering secrets into another’s ear about something scandalous or horrifying, bestowing knowledge to a friend who has been a while about another who has perhaps ‘gone of the deep end.’  In doing this, he tries to deepen this fraternal relationship between England and the United States. 
The end of the speech finds America in a different position than before.  Up to this point Churchill has been talking about the benefits of America and England as kindred nations.  However, two paragraphs from the end Churchill changes this tactic with this sentence, “last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention.”  With this simple phrase Churchill charges the United states with some of the burden and responsibility for allowing WWII to become as far-reaching as it became.  He goes on to further rub salt in the wound, so to speak, by saying that if there were a war that could’ve be prevented, it would have been WWII.  In just a few lines, Churchill not only shifted the tone of the speech from war rhetoric to blame.  In doing so it is almost as if Churchill says, ‘look what happened when no one took me seriously.  Listen to me now and let us prevent a repeat of WWII.’  However, Churchill decides to end with the fraternal plug that he has employed throughout the rest of the speech. 
Some of the most prevalent rhetorical techniques that Churchill uses include ethos, identification and war rhetoric.  Some of were touched on earlier, but Churchill establishes ethos a lot in the first few paragraphs of the speech when he recites his experience in politics.  He later establishes credibility when he gives a brief history of the withstanding alliances England has held, the oldest dating back to 1384.  Then when he is speaking about Russia’s affairs within Europe, he assures the audience by saying, “whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts – and facts they are – this is certainly not the Liberated Eurpose we fought to build up.” Making sure to clarify that everything he has just mentioned regarding Russia are simply facts,  builds up the credibility in which Churchill’s opinion is founded upon.  Furthermore, doing so omits him from accusation of slander towards Stalin or any other Russian political figure. 
Identification was also a large part of the rhetorical devices used in this speech.  First, the audience is able to identify with the situation in that he uses personal prounouns to make it feel relevant to the audience.  Another interesting way in which he attempts to identify with the value base of America is in his biblical allsuions.  According to biographers, “Churchill was not a religious man.  He was never a Christian.”[x] Knowing this, it would seem strange to think Churchill would refer to the League of Nations as a “temple of peace” and not a “cockpit in a Tower of Babel.”  Or it may seem strange that he would cling on to the metaphor that England and the United States in a fraternal relationship, is representative of two mansions, “In my Father’s house.”  It is not strange, however, to think that the sole purpose in why he is using these phrases and metaphors are to identify with the fact that regardless of his own personal belief, both America and England are faith-based nations and to acknowledge this faith would be beneficial for his rhetoric.  War rhetoric is also seen throughout the speech as he rallies the, “west democracies (to) stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter,” with the hope that this simple unwavering maneuver will keep the advancing influence of Russia in Europe at bay.
He also identifies with the situation, which also positively affects his pathos.  He identifies with the pain and the suffering of war, “now at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason…which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty.”  Churchill does an excellent job here on playing upon two vastly different and powerful emotions.  First he acknowledges the pain and hurt wrought of war.  But then he offers hope and joy and freedom associated with promises of plenty and progression. 
Other rhetorical techniques used include repetition, antithesis, parallelism, alliteration and personfication.  The following line is a good example of personification and it embodies this idea of kinmanship and ‘reaching out’ over the seas.
“Eventually there may come – I feel eventually there will come – the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.”  Churchill uses the articulate rhetorical techniques to seal in the idea that it is best for everyone that the United States and Great Britain unite, join forces, to be equal entities.  Chruchill draws on his own past relations with America to seal it in by claiming that this realtionship is something that, “many of us can clearly see.”
To highlight just a couple other techniques, Churchill would incorporate alliteration in instances where he wanted a phrase to stand out to the audience from the rest like, “If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one’s land or treasure.” There Churchill was laying out the practical steps America would need to do to keep this kinmanship strong. 
Though Churchill was unable to clear “the high roads of the future,” or unable to keep the Cold war from beginning, it is undoubtable that his efforts towards peaces indeed foreshadowed that the end of war had not yet come to pass.  However, Churchill has outlined the “sinews of peace” clearly.  And perhaps in this time as America is in the midst of war, a realization comes that there is comfort and stablity in strong alligences. 















[i] Paul Addison, Churchill: The Unexpected Hero (Oxford University Press, 2005), 11
[ii] Sebastian Haffner, Churchill (Haus Publishing,2003), 32
[iii] Ibid 32
[iv] Ibid 32
[v] Paul Addison, Churchill: The Unexpected Hero (Oxford University Press, 2005), 221
[vi] Ibid 221
[vii] About, “Iron Curtain Speech by Winston Churchill”; available from http://history1900s.about.com/library/weekly/aa082400a.htm; Internet.
[viii] John Lukacs, “Churchill Offers Toil and Tears to FDR,” American Heritage Magazine 58, no. 4 (Spring/Summer 2008)
[ix] About, “Iron Curtain Speech by Winston Churchill”; available from http://history1900s.about.com/library/weekly/aa082400a.htm; Internet.
[x] Sebastian Haffner, Churchill (Haus Publishing,2003), 32

Tuesday, November 9, 2010

Hope for the Hopeless

A look at the rhetoric of Shakespeares Henry V's, St. Crispin's Day Speech

Though fictional, the St. Crispin’s Day Speech, written by William Shakespeare in 1599, is representative of medieval culture.  This speech is a part of Shakespeare’s play, Henry V and evokes the way in which kings ruled during those times.  This monologue is in response to Westmoreland’s comment about how he wishes there were more men to fight with them.
The point of the King’s speech is to persuade his men that they are better off fighting with less.  He begins by giving his thesis, “If we are mark’d to die, we are enow/ To do our country loss; and if to live, / The fewer men, the greater share of honour.”  He then begins talking about how the material possessions of this world don’t matter to him, but he does “covet honour.”  He speaks about how honor must be earned and how he would not wish to share the honor with a man who “hath no stomach to fight.” 
He then does a powerful rhetorical technique; he asks them to visualize what it will be like for them in the future should they succeed by themselves.  He says that they knowingly face danger and as a result will gain more honors having come out alive.  This honor will be so powerful that it will trump the effects of age that, “Old men forget…But he’ll remember, with advantages, / What feats he did that day.”  During this portion, the King speaks in vivid images and this device leaves the audience with memories of vivid images in their minds.  He then appeals to their desire for honor and pride as men at war and he uses victimage to bring unite them as a “band of brothers,” exulting their group of soldiers above the men who sleep safely in bed away from war.  The king further identifies himself with the audience by using personal pronouns like “we” and “our.” 
The values that are praised here are courage & bravery.  This is important and appropriate for the audience because the audience consists of a group of men that have been at war for a long time.  When one is tired physically, emotionally and mentally as is common in war, it is necessary that their leader continue to inspire them.  Henry V does this as he gives them hopes and images of respect, honor and praise.  He asserts that what they do in battle will not be forgotten even when the test of age says it should.  This indeed would stir and motivate men towards battle.
Further in terms of identification, the audience can identify with the speaker because at this point they have been together, fighting through war for a long time. Henry V calls their group a “band of brothers.”  The audience can identify with the topic because at this point they are low in numbers.  Henry V is encouraging his men by saying that they don’t need more men from England, that if they die, they die. But, if they are victorious then they will have greater honor.  Further, the speech identifies with the situation because Henry V and his men just fought in France and they are about to go back into battle.

Tuesday, October 26, 2010

I've been to the mountain top


In-class forum discussion on MLK's Mountain top speech: https://discovery.northwestu.edu/mod/forum/view.php?f=1817
My post is here:
His main thesis is that victory will come for the people in support of the civil rights movement. 
He also uses support in terms of different examples through out history in which people have “overcome” great adversity, how God has ultimately gained the victory like the Exodus and the Emancipation Proclamation.  He also uses different allusions to the bible like, “you see, the Jericho road is a dangerous road,” and at the very end he quotes the, “Battle hymn of the Republic.”
He also uses humor when he repeats the phrase, “If I had sneezed.”  At first the phrase seems comical, but in it’s context it is incredibly powerful.  It helps to lighten the mood after he talks about the first assination attempt on his life while not deterring from his point of how change has already come to America and how it will continue to be apart of America.
He obviously uses allusion as he refers to the “mountain top” and the “promised land.”  The other figure of speech he uses is repetition when he repeats the phrase, “If I had sneezed,” and “somewhere I read.” A rhetorical device that he uses is he identifies himself with the audience.  He is speaking at Mason Temple, which is the Church of God in Christ Headquarters in Memphis, Tennessee.  And he identifies with his audience through the central allusion of Moses as well as imitating the form of the beginning of Moses’ speech to the Israelites in Deuteronomy 29.
King’s conclusion is very similar to Deut.  29&32 in that he remarks on how there will be difficult roads ahead, as Moses told the Israelites.  But also, he talks about how he won’t enter the promised land with them – we know from the biographical research King was assassinated the next day – just as the Lord told Moses he too wouldn’t be entering the promised land but would die instead on Mount Nebo. 

Thursday, October 21, 2010

Evil Empire: the Fight and the Forewarning


This analysis has been written in response to Ronald Reagan's "Evil Empire" speech given in 1983
“There is sin and evil in the world, and we’re enjoined by Scripture and the Lord Jesus to oppose it will all our might.” President Ronald Reagan spoke these words in front of the National Association of Evangelicals on March 8,1983 as he gave his, celebrated “Evil Empire” speech.  Regarded by some scholars as, “Reagan’s most important Cold War speech,” as it laid “the groundwork for the eventual triumph of the west,”[i] the evil empire speech did more than deliver a pointed attack to the heart of the soviet Union, it revealed Reagan’s character, strength and honesty.  Reagan was an effective speaker and his evil empire speech reflected this fact.  This paper will analyze Reagan’s evil empire speech by first taking a closer look at different levels of identification that he establishes with his audience and then again at his command of language.
Reagan, the former movie star turned politician, was described by one columnist as, “one of the most popular presidents of the 20th century and transformed the political landscape of an era with his vision of conservative government.”[ii]  After serving eight years in office, in which his decade-long battle with Alzheimer’s disease overlapped, Reagan passed away in August of 1994 at the ripened age of 93.[iii]
            However, in his life, Reagan pointed towards the belief in the God of the Bible and in the salvation of Jesus Christ.[iv]  His belief in the power of the Holy Spirit overflowed into every aspect of his life, including politics. In memory of his death, the LA Times regarded his optimism as, “real and unyielding.”[v]  All of which stems back to the foundations of his youth where his mother, Nelle, instilled in him what developed into a strong faith in God.  Paul Kengor wrote in his book, God and Ronald Reagan, that, “Nelle Reagan had a heart for God, and she did her best to impart that faith to her son Ronald.  It was her aspiration that he should one day take that faith to the world.”[vi]
With this faith-based background it was fairly easy for him to establish a quick and strong relationship with his audience, as he was speaking to a room full of evangelical Christians.  Reagan also establishes ethos and credibility with the audience in his oration upon a variety of controversial social issues with the United States of America with which he finds fault in that he is the President and these are issues where he has gained a lot of knowledge. 
The event he spoke at was the 1983 annual National Association of Evangelicals Conference, it was this time held in Orlando, Florida.  The NAE represents the union of thousands of churches across the country and 40 different denominations; however, as the headquarters are located in Washington, D.C., the NAE naturally has a passion for politics as well.[vii]  The 1980s was a time of “legislative victories” for the NAE on Capitol Hill as well as in the White House as Reagan was highly supported by Evangelicals and his election into office saw the NAE with greater opportunities to influence the government.[viii]
In 1983, America was in the midst of the Second Cold War and he would have to continue to deal with the Soviet Union for the rest of his term in office.  In his speech on the evil empire, Reagan made his distaste for the Soviet Union morals clear and predicted its eventual implosion as he deigned to “de-legitimize it.”[ix]  In the arena that Reagan gives this speech, he is allowed more leeway to speak openly about faith and can blur the lines between religious convictions and political principles.  He is able to preach upon the role and duty of a Christian within this political environment, in which he engrains ideas of love, liberty and a sovereign God.
ANALYSIS
            The “Evil Empire” speech Reagan gave at the annual NAE Conference in 1983 under a cursory review can seem haphazard as it seems as though he gives his three points then makes another that doesn’t seem at all related to the first half of the speech.  But to just look at this speech and not delve in for a closer look would be regrettable as it is very intricately constructed, it’s like a jewel to uncover. 
            Under closer examination, this speech can be divided into nine separate parts.  One may notice that Reagan does not actually begin his speech until five minutes into the speech, or seven paragraphs if one is reading the text.  He spends the first five minutes of his oration establishing a relationship with the audience.  From the beginning he lowers himself to the same level as his audience as he becomes very ‘real’ as he says to the assembly, “Thank you for your prayers.  Nancy and I have felt their presence many times in many ways.  And believe me, for us they’ve made all the difference.” His tone loses its commanding tone and takes on more of a serious tone as one would when talking about something very personal.  Also, the sentences get shorter and the vocabulary becomes more conversational.  Just the sentence previous to this quotation he used “remiss,” “discharge,” and “personal debt of gratitude.” None of which I hear people use in conversation.  Yet as he begins sharing his ‘personal debt of gratitude,’ it’s almost as if he is speaking to every individual in the audience.
            So, in this first partition, he becomes transparent but quickly lightens up the mood with two jokes.  By doing this, he further establishes a comfortable atmosphere and ‘relationship’ between himself and the audience.  It is also within this first part that he states his thesis, though it is hidden within nearly five minutes of speech he says, “The basis of those ideals and principles is a commitment to freedom and personal liberty that, itself is grounded in the much deeper realization that freedom prospers only where the blessings of God are avidly sought and humbly accepted.”
            The next part Reagan gives the foundations of America, America today and then the America of the future within the context of the founding fathers’ “experimentation” in democracy and liberty.  With Alexis de Tocqueville’s quote, Reagan demonstrates how our democracy and liberty is threatened by “prevailing” attitudes of “a modern-day secularism” that supersede the values our country was founded upon and in extension the existence of such rules and regulations, regardless of how well intended, threaten our democracy and liberty because that democracy and liberty can not be found separate from the values they were based.
            The third portion gives examples of these mandated these “rules and regulations” or a modern-day secularism established in order to provide “freedoms” that directly oppose established values.  Those include: Parental notification of the extent of a child’s involvement with abortion clinics; mandating prayer in public schools; and, infanticide/mercy killings.
            However, it is not in Reagan’s character to be so depressing, so in the fourth part he brings hope back to the audience by exhorting them, “Now, I’m sure that you must get discouraged at times, but there you’ve done better than you know, perhaps.” He then goes on to give evidence of the “spiritual awakening in America.”  And Reagan further goes on to show the progress the nation is making on some of the issues he just discussed. 
            Now the movement from this portion to the fifth part of the speech is significant.  The mood of the speech begins to change as Reagan, like a spiritual commander-in-chief of the United States armed forces; he rallies the troops of this assembly through enemy victimage, aligning all against the threat to our freedom, evil. He will go on to say later in his speech that though “military strength is important” the real crisis “is a spiritual one.”
            In the following portion of the speech, he starts to share his views towards the Soviet Union, and communism.  It is this portion of the text many focus upon because the Soviet Union is the “Evil Empire” for which the speech is named.  However, what is most important about this section is where Reagan rounds out communism as morality being “entirely subordinate to the interest of class war. This description sounds like a double entendre in which America also gets served a warning.
            Like it is expected from Reagan, he lightens the mood by the insertion of hope when assures the audience that he will do everything within his power to persuade the Soviet Union of America’s “peaceful intent” in this seventh part.  Reagan goes on to be optimistic about America’s ability to stand strong in the original values that were based under God. 
            In this next portion of the speech, Reagan lays down the plan, the ‘this is what we need to do’ portion of the speech.  He says that the audience must pray for the salvation of all of the people living within the “totalitarian darkness” of the Soviet Union, and to not be overcome by them. 
            The next portion of the speech accompanies the previous portion by explaining how ‘what we need to do’ will actually be done, the call-to-action.  Reagan asks the audience to do two things, to “speak out against those who would place the United States in a position of military and moral inferiority,” and to “resist the attempts of those who would have you withhold your support for our efforts, this administration’s efforts, to keep America strong and free.” He further asks the people to fight with clear, sound minds as he urges them “to beware the temptation of pride.”
            The last portion of the text is his conclusion in which he does two things.  He first restates his thesis when he restates what Whittaker Chambers wrote regarding the crisis of the Western world, in that “the degree in which the West is indifferent to God, the degree to which it collaborates in communism’s attempt to make man stand alone without God.”  With this statement Reagan is trying to make the point that the growing apathy of America towards the values on which she was founded will make us more and more like the Soviet Union.   
The second thing he does, in true Reaganian fashion, is he uplifts the audience by believing that America will overcome this because God’s grace is with us providing a strength that “knows no limitation.”  He then ends with a line that draws the church together in reliance on each other, which connects back to the beginning of the speech when he thanks the nation for their prayers because, “they’ve made all the difference.”
            So after reviewing the break down of the speech, one will notice that it is both topical as well as chronological.  It is topical in that it does move from point-to-point.  However, it is also chronological in that in the beginning he talks about issues he’s fighting against, and then he moves toward the current fight with the Soviet Union.  He then leads the audience towards the future, as he calls the audience to action, warns America against ignoring morality lest they become what they are trying to fight against, all the while believing and leaving a vision that we will overcome. 
            It is also clear that in looking at the organization of the content, that motivated sequence is employed.  Because Reagan had already won over his audience before he even started speaking, as evident in the nearly 20 sec applause he received as he stepped to the podium to begin speaking, he tried establish a closer relationship with the audience by becoming slightly more ‘transparent’ with his personal life.  He then goes right into telling two jokes, which lightened the mood and got people laughing, kept them engaged, and added dimension to his speech.  The quick transition between these two emotions was beneficial in that now the audience doesn’t know quite what to expect from him as a speaker. 
            The need, though buried, is in the “commitment to freedom and personal liberty,” by the “realization that freedom prospers only where the blessings of God are avidly sought and humbly accepted.” He provides examples to strengthen how this is deteriorating in American society.
            However, Reagan ‘satisfies’ by providing by assuring the assembly that he will do everything within his power to gain peace but he will make it clear to the Soviet Union that America is not so easily consumed, as he stands against the nuclear freeze solutions, which he says provide, “merely the illusion of peace.”
Reagan provides visualization through the story of the young father, a quote from C.S. Lewis as well as a quote of Whittaker Chambers.  All of these quotes illustrate either what the root of this evil is or what could become if this freedom we chase after is lost, either by our absorption into the communist culture or because we, “attempt to make man stand alone without God.”  Then in a call-to-action, Reagan requests the audience to love and pray for the Soviet Union and to be wise and unyielding in dealing with them, keeping this pursuit of “freedom” in mind.
The speech does not include much figurative speech, as it is not particularly poetic in nature.  Though it does have moments of visual imagery like when Reagan tells stories or jokes.  They came to their feet with shouts of joy.”  There were two quotations that stood out in which auditory sensory imagery was used. One of which was when Reagan said that, “these quiet men do not raise their voices, because they sometimes speak in soothing tones of brotherhood and peace,” almost allowing the audience to hear those voice.  Another type of figurative language found in the speech is alliteration when he said, “discarding the tried and time-tested values upon which our very civilization is based.”  By using alliteration here, the weight of the American values are impressed upon the listener or reader instilling that they should not be treated so lightly.  One allusion was found in the beginning of the speech when he talks about feeling like Lincoln when he says, “I have been driven many times to my knees by the overwhelming conviction that I [Lincoln] had nowhere else to go.”  From this the audience has two images of Reagan, one of him akin to Lincoln, a beloved, strong and honored president.  The other of someone completely humbled, a servant leader, a theme heavily covered in the Bible, as Christ was the ultimate example of a servant leader.  Another example of an allusion was located within the call-to-action when Reagan asks everyone to love and pray but be wise and discerning.  In doing this he repeats Matthew 10:16, which says, “I am sending you out like sheep among wolves. Therefore be as shrewd as snakes and as innocent as doves.”[x] With these allusions, he connects emotionally with the audience while also establishing ethos in his integration of major Christian themes. 
What’s particularly interesting is that though the word choice is formal, which is appropriate to the assembly, he is able to deliver the speech in such a conversational manner that it is quite believable that he speaks like that all the time.  It also plays to his advantage that he rarely refers to his notes, and seems to speak extemporaneously. If not extemporaneously it, he speeches are very well rehearsed.


[i] Busch, Andrew E., and Elizabeth Edwar Spalding. 1993. "1983: Awakening from Orwell's nightmare." Policy Review no. 66: 71. Academic Search Premier, EBSCOhost (accessed October 19, 2010).
[ii] Johanna Neuman, “Former President Regan dies at 93,” LA Times, June 6, 2004.

[iv] Paul Kenegor, God and Ronald Reagan: A Spiritual Life (New York: ReganBooks, 2005), 16.

[v] Johanna Neuman, “Former President Regan dies at 93,” LA Times, June 6, 2004.
[vi] Paul Kenegor, God and Ronald Reagan: A Spiritual Life (New York: ReganBooks, 2005), 16.
[vii] “About us,” National Association of Evangelicals, http://www.nae.net/about-us (accessed October 17, 2010)
[viii] “History,” National Association of Evangelicals,http://www.nae.net/about-us/history/62 (accessed October 17, 2010)
[ix] “The Evil Empire,” American Heritage Magazine, http://www.americanheritage.com/articles/magazine/ah/2008/4/2008_4_18.shtml (accessed October 17,2010).
[x] Matthew 10:16 (NIV).

Thursday, September 23, 2010

How Peace Caused Delusion For Our Time

The Dramatistic Pentad will be used for closer analysis.  Pathos as well as organization will also be examined.
During a private meet September 29, 1938, Chamberlain and German Führer, Adolf Hitler, swore an oath for peace. On September 30, 1938, as Chamberlain exited his airplane, he waved a piece of paper that symbolized the future “peace” between the nations of England and Germany. Taking his first steps upon the English earth beneath him, he gave a speech that lead the people of England into disillusion, claiming that it was, “the second time…a British Prime minister has returned from Germany bringing peace.” 
            Though a short speech, “Peace For Our Time” was an effort to bring comfort to the British Isles.  Chamberlain brought this comfort by identifying with the audience in employing personal pronouns while maintaining a sophisticate, perhaps rigid persona.  His speech is not laced with metaphor, and no visual pictures come to mind as people listen to and read his words, but his role seems to span beyond that as a prime minister into one of a father figure.  As the better part of his speech is commanding it is not until he reaches the end that he chooses to use phrases like “my good friends” and “go home and get a nice quiet sleep.”  It’s as if those lines are what he wants the listeners to remember, that’s what he wants to stick. 
             However, it should be noted that the use of the later phrases increased the Pathos in his speech as they connect far better emotionally than his sterile earlier phrases that ring like, “We are resolved that the method of consultation shall be the method adopted.”  In using personal pronouns, Chamberlain also establishes a relation between himself and the people that was necessary during this time of chaos and fear.
The portion of the speech that captured the hearts of the audience was when he pronounced a lasting peace between England and Germany claiming that it is the desire of both himself and Hitler that their countries are, “never to war with each other again.” From this a promise a swell of emotion rose in the hearts of the people watching, breaching their lips with cheers that kept the Prime Minister from speaking for a significant time.  This emotional response was a result of Chamberlain’s ability to create common ground amongst the people and himself, to identify with them and allow them to identify with each other.  They were united by the hope of peace and freedom for the future, from a common threat, secured in words that were typed across a piece of paper.
            What might have also affected the emotional response of the audience, and the pathos of his speech, was in its organization.  “Peace For Our Time,” was laid out in a chronological pattern, which according to recent lectures, are psychologically appealing to listeners.  Chronologically, the speech is broken into three parts: Past, Present and Future. The first paragraph touches on the past as Chamberlain shares that he met with Hitler the night before.  The second paragraph represents the present as he talks about the joint views that he and Hitler share regarding peace.  The third paragraph talks about peace in the future and how things will be different. 
However, this still leaves one last portion of the speech.  The last paragraph of the speech is interesting, as it seems to encapsulate the past, present and future into one line while simultaneously giving a call to action.  Past is represented as Chamberlain reflects on the previous Prime Minister that returned to Britain with peace.  Present is represented by his belief that, “it is peace for our time.”  The future is nodded toward and the people are given a call to action when Chamberlain says, “Go home and get some nice quiet sleep.”  In this one sentence, Chamberlain not only says that there will be nothing for the people of England to worry about, that they will be able to sleep in peace, but also tells them not to worry and to also sleep in peace.